Chapter 111 Chapter Twenty-Five

September 28, 1960 Sender: Charles Recipient: Halifax Since Hunter left Miami on Aug. 15, he's been trying his best to build Ferrandi in Mexico City, but it hasn't been smooth.Howard's telegrams and phone calls have revealed some truths to me, but you may already know it, but I still believe that I can bring you some information that you did not know. At the heart of the matter now was Win Scott.I know that Mr. Scott is one of the most respected leaders here, so I guess that once Howard's operation plan in Mexico City exceeds Scott's jurisdiction, it will be difficult for him to continue his operation. .Moreover, the Mexican government was wary of allowing Castro to incite revolutionary sentiment among the populace—a comment also made by Howard—so the Mexican government's support for the Cuban exile movement was not as good as it could have been.Now Howard's job is basically trying to adapt Frandi's officials to Mexican customs.Also, some Mexican pundits are constantly attacking Marmby's press office - there is Ferrandi's weekly profile there, and Marmby has been subjected to safety regulations, foreign labor restrictions and garbage removal fines on a daily basis. problems.

At the same time, Howard enjoyed some of the privileges that the job brought him, but he also had to endure the high rent of the house he lived in, and the house was small and poorly furnished in the Lomas In the de Chapu de Pike area, even he himself complained that the rent was "excessively expensive".He told his friends in society that because of his disagreement with our "left" policies in Latin America, he resigned from the Foreign Service and was now concentrating on writing novels.Speaking of reconnecting with old connections, Howard hired an American businessman who used to be with the agency, and this businessman rented some safe houses for us, which Howard used to meet with the Frandy members. .But in any case, the Cubans were not allowed to know where Eduardo lived, and Eduardo and Howard Hunter were not allowed to meet each other, which resulted in a considerable daily workload.But Howard was pretty sure the safe house was on the other side of the city.

Needless to say, the suspicion within Frandi has not diminished, and the crisis of confidence in the United States can be seen everywhere.The leaders of the group may have traveled to Mexico at our request, but their main body is still in South Florida; therefore, although we have long removed them from the list of future leaders, they still claim that we The hidden motive of China is to treat them as puppets so as to hold the world public opinion.Howard fought against this assumption vigorously and presided over several meetings under such a major premise.And, to complicate matters further, Barbaro is not present at those meetings, having traveled to Miami a month ago and says no one in Miami has spoken about Faustino's failure to return.Hunter has been forcing me to catch Toto's clues.

When I met Barbaro, he swore to me that he would return to Mexico as soon as he got his affairs in order, but he didn't.I think he must want to go back to Mexico, but he is bound by something, he can't help it.Howard determines that Barbaro is involved in an illegal financial operation (huge sums of money) and says we need a Miami spy to get in touch with Toto.Sad to say, if I were to be a master-employer, the favorite candidate would not be from Cuba at all, but a former Uruguayan communist who had worked for me in Montevideo.With my help, he arrived in Miami ahead of the local police and former Communist Party colleagues.He was Eusebio Fortes, now working for a Miami bank in charge of money laundering in the operation.Barbaro happened to be a client of that bank, which is why I considered involving Fortes.

I must tell you that I hesitated to hire him.It was my reunion with Fortes last night that caused my hesitation.He's a Castro supporter through and through, so if I didn't know him that well, I certainly wouldn't go near him.And he had the same attitude back in Montevideo—never trusting the United States to have legitimate motives.In Uruguay, however, no other spy was as valuable to us as he was.When it comes to this issue, he hates the Communist Party more than we do.Of course, if you have a more suitable spy, well, so can I. Fortuitously, Fortes provided me with a big piece of local news—everyone in Frandi seemed to fear a Cuban millionaire named Mario García, the man who enshrined Castro in Ruo Satan, and thinks that the leaders of Frandi are secret spies of Castro, so the targets of assassination have been locked by him.Garcia was associated with a former Cuban congressman named Rolando Masferrer, who built an army of thugs and killers and imprisoned them in a place called the Isle of No Name .Through Fortes, I heard that some people in our agency (I don't know who they are at the moment) have been supporting Garcia in his private invasion and providing him with ships.I think it would be a disaster if they got their way, as such an adventure would likely turn into a civil war (of course, I might overdo it).Fortes, who has a good instinct for gossip, says that the deepest rumor in the Communist Party is that Garcia has the support of the White House—not the top leader of the White House, but not a small player.

I must say that I have been very busy since Hunter left, and did not expect any good results from this letter.I always hope that my men can stand on the same ground as you. Someone is looking forward to your next visit.