Chapter 25 Chapter Twenty-Three

When Hanli first moved into the director's office, he seemed a little restrained.Knowing that his appointment was controversial, he acted more carefully.He will try to win the confidence and reassurance of his political backers and Whitehall masters, so he will be more likely to compromise than those who are more secure. Hanley was a clever man, one step ahead of Jones, but he lacked Jones's strength of character.I don't trust Hanley as much as I trust Jones.Since Jones left Security, I've rarely been to the office.The Security Service began to change, and the changes that occurred in the last four years meant a farewell to me.

The changes that occurred were subtle at first—bits and pieces, for example, that Hanley didn’t give people rides in his car like Jones did—but those small changes had a bigger and bigger impact.Our offices moved first from Leconfield House to Marlborough Street and then to gray and yellow flats in Gower Street.I suggested to Hanley that the office should be moved to a greener place such as Cheltenham, but he insisted that the office should remain in London.He began to cultivate his own gang, they were young and bright, but they were all civilian officials-they were more reliable than the army.I'm starting to feel like my generation is fading away.Despite our differences, those of us who have done the great business of searching for moles are rapidly disappearing, no matter which side we are on.The age of heroes is being replaced by the age of mediocrity.

Soon after Hanley took office, he informed me to talk about work. He said to me, "Peter, I have a lot of trust in you. As long as I'm Chief, you'll have a living." I knew he was addressing my growing dissatisfaction during my final year in D3. Said. He also suggested that I resign from my position as a consultant in Branch K and work exclusively under him. "I asked you to be my personal counterespionage adviser," he said. "You can work in the room next to me and go through all the files like you used to. But I want you to work on new problems for me. I don't want You've been stuck with K's case all day, and I want you to think about the future."

We create a new schedule, and some parts of it I like and some of it I don't.He asked me to continue working on Venona, and agreed that we should conduct a full-scale worldwide search of legacy communications. He called my attention to the situation in Northern Ireland. "Peter, give me some advice," he said to me, "see what you can do..." He put me in charge of the computer working group.At the time the group was planning to computerize MI5's archive work, a leap expected in the mid-seventies. The three divisions of Department D gave me a thorough understanding of the role of the archives in helping to find and follow clues.Hanley wanted me to apply these techniques to computerized work.

At first, I thought I could find a vibrant new life in Ireland.After I've been there a few times, it reminds me of Cyprus, where vacillating British policy exacerbates tensions.When I first visited Ireland, the British government was proclaiming to the world that the situation between Britain and Ireland was getting better.It took me half a month to review all the records of the bombings in one year.I drew up a table, and this table shows that bombings are skyrocketing.This is the improved security situation!As in Cyprus, the military and politicians simply refuse to face reality. My only suggestion is to install a bugging system on the telephone lines in the Republic of Ireland.The Republic of Ireland's routes through its borders were well concealed, and vital Provisional Republican communications were routed from the west coast of the Republic to Dublin.I devised a scheme for intercepting microwaves emanating from the attic of the British embassy in Dublin with a small packing box bug.Although MI5 approved the plan, the Foreign Office rejected it.The Sunningdale Agreement was about to be signed, and the Foreign Office was terribly afraid that news of the plan would leak out.I pointed out to them that the fundamental lesson of Cyprus is that political negotiations are extremely unstable without a decisive security advantage.But they didn't listen to it at the time, so it was no surprise to me that the Sunningdale agreement fell through later.

I am disappointed that the Dublin plan did not materialize.From this incident, I saw that the bureaucratic control of the situation has reached the point of tyranny. Twenty years ago, we could have handled this matter without scruples.I had suggested that the possibility of installing camouflaged bombs on the Provisional Republican Army be studied.This plan was fully achievable with the assistance of MI6, as we installed camouflaged receivers on the telephone lines in Grivas, Cyprus.But this time even the people in charge of MI5 were frightened and refused to study the plan further. "This is murder," they said.

"They kill innocent people every day," I said. "What policy do you think the British people would want us to adopt?" The situation in Ireland was one of the factors that brought about a decisive change in MI5's approach to domestic problems.The student unrest in the 1960s was gradually replaced by strikes in the early 1970s. The coal miners' strike in 1972 and the continuous auto workers' strikes had a great influence on the decision-making of the Heath government.The immediate priority is to gather intelligence on subversive activities in the country. This is also the most sensitive area for the head of MI5, and a strong figure is needed to maintain his and the whole five's independent status.The events before and after Hanley took office show that he was not prepared for the pressure.Jones had always maintained the independent status of MI5, while Hanley decided to follow the orders of his superiors and provide them with as much information as possible on domestic issues.

According to tradition, K Branch has always enjoyed the highest prestige in MI5, while F Branch is a poor relative of MI5, and capable officials do not go there. The work of Department F has always been irresponsible, and the person in charge of Department F is a happy alcoholic all day long.After Hanley came to power, he took a respectful and distant attitude towards Division K, but invested a lot of manpower, material resources and financial resources in Division F.Since then, we have lost a large number of highly decorated counterintelligence officers, including Michael McCall. However, the potential crisis of this change came after I retired.Sir John Jones was appointed Director in 1981, a rising star in F in Hanley's new organization, finally firmly established at the top.He was the first director since Hollis to succeed without experience in counterintelligence.He was a true F Service officer, and his appointment marked a decisive turning point in MI5's central strength.

Shortly after Hanley took office, he called a meeting of senior Branch A and F officers to discuss how to identify MI5's changing priorities.The conference began with a report by Hanley on the state of domestic subversion and what he called the "broad left."He said that the Prime Minister and the Home Office have asked us to focus on this goal.Then he called up an ambitious young man from F, David Ransom, to speak.He briefly reported on the structure and activities of a number of left-wing groups, such as the Workers' Revolutionary Party and the Socialist Workers' Party.

Hanley liked to hold seminars, and this meeting lasted almost a whole day. Branch F wants to relax restrictions on wiretapping and intercepting letters, and hopes to establish closer ties with the post office.Since the enemy is scattered, they must rely on communication to establish contact, so relying on communication to find problems is the only way.John Jones was good at motivating.He declared that the technical resources needed by Branch F should be determined by Branch K, because directing spies can no longer be the main means of cover.First of all he can't let his officers break into these left-wing groups, because most of them live promiscuous lives, and not even one officer of MI5 is willing to make some sacrifices for the country.In other words, if you recruit spies, you must risk social life and scandal, so the only way is to use technical means.It appears that Hanley agrees with Jones.

But I talked about the value of spies from another angle. "If you want to spy on these groups, you should use spies," I later told Hanley privately. "If you spend all your technology dollars on them, you're going to have a lot of problems in the future. The post office can't be like that. With such confidence in one's own people, the post office is bound to make mistakes." I feel the same way about the computer working group.It soon became clear to me that Branch F's interest in the computer group lay in the establishment of extensive computer networks, primarily with Nationwide Insurance Computers in Newcastle.It used to be that we could always get material from the Nationwide Insurance Records whenever we really needed it.We have a few secret agents there who can be contacted should we need any information, but this is completely different from what they want to establish a direct computer network. I'm not the only one distraught by these changes, there are quite a few others among the old anti-Soviet intelligence officers as well.We see that all the hard work of the past will be lost in tracking down these insignificant left-wing groups.Furthermore, marching into the computer age means reducing the value of intelligence personnel, and we will become data processors, who can scan thousands of names at the touch of a keyboard. In the last few years, I have heard more and more people lament that "the fun of intelligence work is gone." Hanley didn't realize what difficulties he was about to encounter.It will make people believe that when we break into the residence of Soviet diplomats, the public is on our side, but if we engage in surveillance activities on a large scale, it will cause unimaginable consequences. People will say that we are in Engage in "authoritarianism". Groups such as the Workers' Revolutionary Party, the Socialist Workers Party, and the Movement for Nuclear Disarmament were viewed by older Branch D officials as having little to do with the mission of the Branch.True, we should be content to watch their actions, since they were not the main targets of the KGB.The KGB's main targets were still the intelligence services and the civil service, and in the 1960s the trade unions and the Labor Party were increasingly also targeted. Since the sixties, MI5 archives contain a wealth of material on KGB infiltration of trade unions and the Labor Party.The material came mainly from two Czech defectors: Frolick and August.They named a number of Labor politicians and union chiefs as agents of the Eastern Bloc.Some of them did get picked up, like the case of MP Will Owen.Owen admitted to providing information to Czechoslovakian intelligence agents for a decade, for which he was paid tens of thousands of pounds.However, during the prosecution in 1970, Owen was acquitted because Owen had no access to secrets and the Czech defector did not provide documentary evidence when Owen was tried. Tom Dreiberg was another MP mentioned by the Czech defector.I wanted to meet him in person, and he finally admitted that he was obsessed with money and was providing information to his Czech bosses.We grilled Dreiberg a bit later, and he offered us nothing of interest other than some nasty news about some people in the Labor Party. Notable among the information Dreiberg provided was that he had lent his apartment to a cabinet minister so that the minister could have a tryst with his lover.Dreiberg attempted to identify the minister's new love interest.One evening, after the Minister had left the apartment, he searched the room and found a letter addressed to a prominent female member of the Labor Party.Dreiberg said he was taken aback.Later he talked about it to the minister and reminded him to be careful, to prevent his behavior from becoming a talking point in social life!Dreiberg must have told these things to his Czech friends, and his concern for the secrets of the Labor Party was no more than a show. Another MP who worked for them was John Stonehouse, the Czech defectors said.We had an oral interrogation with Harold Wilson in the presence of him, and Stonehouse vehemently denied his guilt, and we had to withdraw the charges against him. This is the context that shaped the tortuous relationship between MI5 and the prime minister.Many books have been written about the relationship between Harold Wilson and MI5, but some of them are inaccurate.I thought the story of Harold Wilson and MI5 began with the death of Hugh Gaitskell in 1963.Gaitskell was Wilson's former Labor leader whom I not only knew but had great respect for.I met him and his family at the Black River Sailing Club, and I remember a month before he died, he told me he was going to the Soviet Union. After Gaitskell's death, his doctor contacted MI5 to request a meeting with someone from Security Service.He was received by Arthur Martin, head of anti-Soviet espionage.The doctor explained to Martin that he was disturbed by Gatzkell's death.He said Gaitskell died of a disease called disseminated lupus, which destroys human organs.He told Martin that the disease was uncommon in countries with temperate climates, and he couldn't say with certainty that Gaitsker had traveled recently where he might have contracted the disease. Martin suggested that I go to Bolton Meadows, the Department of Defense Chemistry and Microbiology Laboratory.I visited Dr. Radell, the head of the Chemical Weapons Laboratory, for advice.He said no one knew how a person got lupus, which was suspected to be caused by a fungus, and he didn't know how people with lupus could pass the disease on to others.I wrote a report based on the above situation when I came back. Then something else happened.Golitsin voluntarily confessed that in the last years of his espionage career, he had contacts with the KGB's "wet incident" branch, that is, Section 13.This is a department that specializes in assassination operations.He said that before he left, he had heard that the service was planning to assassinate a senior European politician in order to install its own spies in the top leadership positions.He didn't know in which country the assassination was planned, but he said that the head of the Thirteenth Branch was General Rodin.Rodin stayed in the UK for many years, and was transferred back to China because he was promoted to the director of the Thirteenth Branch. He must be very familiar with the situation in the British political circle. We don't know what to do next because Dr. Ruddell said the route of infection in lupus is unclear.I consulted with Jim Angleton.He said he would check the Soviet scientific literature to see if they knew anything about lupus.After a month or two, he sent us a paper on lupus, which he had translated from a scientific journal in Russian.This paper was published several years ago.Of all the Soviet literature they could find, Angleton said, they found only this paper.According to the paper, the Soviets discovered that lupus was induced by a particular chemical when they were experimenting on mice, but it is unlikely that Gaitskell would be assassinated with this particular chemical because lupus is induced in humans Large doses of chemicals are required, and they must be used frequently.I sent this paper to Radell, who was amazed at the level of research in this area in the Soviet Union.He was sure Gaitskell could not have been poisoned by poisoned coffee or biscuits.But he said the paper was published seven years ago, so if the Soviets had been working on it, they might have invented drugs that could kill in small doses, even with just one shot.He said that unless a large number of scientific experiments are done, this conjecture cannot be confirmed, but now the mission of Bolton Prairie has been exceeded, and this mission can no longer be accepted. I said I would go back and discuss this issue with my superiors.So I wrote another report based on Radell's situation and checked the contents of the report with Radell himself.I went back to MI5 and discussed the matter with them in detail, and everyone agreed that we should not act rashly without further evidence that the Soviets had indeed used this drug for assassination.During the next few years I paid close attention to the collection of various evidences and asked Ruddell to do the same.Needless to say, we found no more deaths from lupus.Of course, if someone at the top of MI5 leaked to the Soviets, the Soviets would know we were suspicious.So I'm pretty sure they'll never use that method among us again. By this time Harold Wilson was Prime Minister, so he must have been watched by MI5.Before becoming prime minister, Wilson worked for an East-West trade establishment and visited the Soviet Union several times.MI5 was well aware that the KGB would try their best to trap visitors, so they warned Wilson of Soviet tricks.After Wilson succeeded Gaitskell as the Labor Party leader, the friction between the Labor Party and MI5 added another source.Wilson has collected many expatriate businessmen from Eastern European countries around him, and some of these people are the targets of investigation by MI5. After Harold Wilson became Prime Minister in 1964, Angleton made a special trip to the UK to visit Ferr Jones, who was then in charge of counterintelligence.Angleton provided us with a lot of very confidential information, but he refused to disclose the real name of the information provider.According to Angleton's intelligence, the source accused Wilson of being a Soviet spy.He also said that if MI5 could keep it secret and keep it from the political circles, he would be willing to provide more detailed evidence and intelligence.The accusation is hard to believe, but Angleton is the chief of the CIA's counterespionage division, and we have to listen to his report carefully.Not surprisingly, the head of MI5 was very disturbed by Angleton's attitude when providing information.After much deliberation, they refused to accept Angleton's restrictions on the use of this information, and as a result we have had no further information.Nevertheless we have Angleton's intelligence on file, code-named "The Bunch of Oats." After Hollis retired, Fer Jones became the director.I went to Jones, told him I was planning a visit to the United States, and asked if he could speak to Angleton about the "bunch of oats" for more details.He agreed, but repeatedly stressed that we could not vouch for any information he provided before Angleton.In Washington, I met with Angleton.He repeated his old tricks and vaguely told a lot of information about the "secret meeting" with the Soviets, but when I pressed for details, he was at a loss for words.From my painful lessons, I deeply realized that Angleton has a knack for fabricating evidence without any evidence. The "Oat Bunch" incident was just an interlude.In the late 1960s, according to MI5's intelligence, the Soviet Union had planted insiders in the Labor Party.First the Czechoslovakian defectors Frolick and August came to the West and listed the names of a string of Labor MPs and trade union cadres who had been successfully recruited by the Soviets as spies in the past.Then we got the most disastrous information from Oleg Lierin, who, while spying at his old job, had told MI5 about his friend Vajgoka In the case of Sri Lanka, Vaigokas was a KGB officer who was publicly identified as a staff member of the Soviet trade mission in London.Lierin told us that Vaigokas had claimed to have been involved with Joseph Kagan, a Lithuanian exile who was a close friend of Harold Wilson.Kagan financed Wilson's private office and lent Wilson an airplane during the general election, and Wilson was photographed many times wearing Kagan's raincoat, which was worn by Vaigokas in Leeds Made in a nearby factory. MI5 was naturally very anxious to find out whether Kagan was connected to Vajgokas.We kept a close watch on Vaigokas and wanted to recruit some spies to his factory.We finally meet these two in 1971, after the expulsion of one hundred and five Soviet spies.Harold Wilson had retired by then.He approached Sir Arthur Young, Chief Constable of the Metropolitan Police, a consultant to a Kagan firm.Wilson asked him to try to get him to meet with MI5 to talk about Kagan.Fer Jones thought it strange that Wilson had made such a request, however, he agreed to send Harry Wharton to meet with Wilson.Wharton, who was in charge of Liering's defection at the time, introduced Wilson to Liering's accusations that Kagan was having an affair with Vaigokas.Wilson made it clear to Wharton that he had no knowledge of the situation, nor had he discussed it with Kagan.Kagan later admitted to meeting Vaigokas while playing chess, but denied any espionage. Wilson believed that MI5's actions were an attempt to discredit the Labor Party and him.After the Conservative Party came to power, they also became interested in this matter.Victor often complained to me about the poor quality of the situation reports received by Number 10 Downing Street: "They are doing their work in vain, so can't you tell me some valuable information?" He told me again in 1972 that Heath had been taken aback at a Cabinet meeting after hearing Jack Jones and Hugh Scanlon, two very influential men of the early 1970s. Affected union leaders. "Heath felt that what these two men were saying was like the Communist Party. I asked the F Branch if they had any material about them, but they definitely didn't have any real evidence." He said. Viktor learned from casual conversation that two Czech defectors were feeding us information on subversive activities by the trade unions and the Labor Party, so he asked me for the truth.I want him to get a formal memorandum on request so I know what's going on.That night, I got a memo from Victor. He begins: "The prime minister is anxious to know..." Typical of Victor's prose. I sent Victor's letter to Fer Jones.After reading it, he wrote in the blank space: "Please tell him everything he wants to know!" I dug out all the files and carefully compiled the information provided by Frolick and August.I'm just collecting data comprehensively without drawing any conclusions. The whole of Whitehall was outraged by my approach.Cabinet Secretary John Hunt summoned me and asked me what was the intention of sending materials from the opposition party to the ruling party at such a critical moment. I tried my best to defend myself, saying that there was no political purpose.The head of the Central Policy Research Committee also asked me to report to him.I handed him the materials and told him that they were approved by the director of MI5.If this material has caused any embarrassment, it is not my fault. "If we can't distribute because of some embarrassing situation caused by the materials, then we lose the meaning of sending documents!" Fer Jones and Victor always speak for me.Victor liked to join in the fun, and he wrote a series of memorandums, which he circulated around Whitehall, arguing for the Security Service that they had the right to give Ten Downing Street the information it needed.The memorandum is nothing short of an open contempt for the prerogatives of the Ministry of the Interior!Philip Allen was so furious that he didn't speak a word to me for years.He wrote a note and slipped it to Victor, who cynically showed it to me. "Mind your own business!" Allen said viciously. One afternoon, in the midst of all the squabbles and red faces, I saw Ted Heath looking at the door in Victor's office in the Cabinet Office Building. "Prime Minister," said Victor, "I think you should meet Peter Wright, one of the queer characters in Whitehall——" Heath gave me a look without the slightest sense of humor.He asked me where I work. "At Security, sir," I replied. He snorted. "Peter is responsible for reporting subversive activities, and the subversive activities have caused trouble recently." Victor said enthusiastically. Heath immediately stared at me with cold eyes. "You shouldn't get involved in political issues," he said sternly. "We have agencies that deal with such issues." He turned around and strode out of the office. "Victor, my God," I said. "Take it easy," Victor replied, "Ted is always like this. I'll talk to him later." The next day, Victor called.He told me that Heath had carefully read all the reports that night. "Is this true, Victor?" asked Heath, with a look of wonder and delight in his tone.Victor tells him that these are all true, and he hastened his fight to protect power. Of course not all requests for intelligence are legitimate.One evening Victor took me out for a drink in St James's Square. "I think you should meet a businessman," he said to me. "He's a very rich entrepreneur." I was discussing retirement with Victor at the time.In 1972 I finally understood that the MI5 guarantee of my pension in 1955 was a bad promise.In order to join the Security Service, I was forced to relinquish my fifteen-year pension from the Admiralty.Cumming had promised me additional subsidies or some other way to solve these problems, but in the smoky new MI5, a gentleman's promise has become history.According to the regulations, I have no pension, while the scientists who joined the intelligence service after me (about fifty in total) received their own pensions, all due to my determined struggle against this injustice of. Not having a pension was a big blow to me, and my last few years in MI5 were unhappy.I naturally want to think of the possibility of doing security work.Security work didn't appeal to me, but it was still a surefire way to make up for my brutally stripped pension.Initially Victor and I discussed my participation in the N. M．Rothschild's work, but Hanley was not happy about the suggestion.So when Victor heard that the businessman was looking for a security guard, he suggested that I meet him. I was disgusted as soon as I saw this businessman.I know very well that he is a villain who is eager for quick success.He rambled over drinks that he wanted someone "in the know" to advise and guide him, but he was vague about his intentions and made no mention of compensation.Finally, he suggested that I have lunch with him and some of his colleagues in a London restaurant in order to discuss his proposal in detail. His colleagues are a motley crew who are all retired.These people were formerly staff members of various intelligence agencies and security organizations, and they were once popular, but now they have long since set and are on the verge of decline.Others, mainly businessmen, self-styled spies, gathered excitedly, unconcerned by the fact that they themselves had been eliminated long ago. This time, my future employer made it clear to me. "We represent our group of people who worry about the country and the people." He said grandly. He's a bit of an insomniac Angleton, saying what they're interested in is how to keep Labor from coming back to power. "Once Labor comes to power, we lose all the freedoms we have," he said. The others nodded too. "What do you think I can do to help?" I asked. "Intelligence," he said, "we need intelligence, and I trust you to have it." "What information do you want?" I asked. "All information about Wilson is useful. There are many who will pay a lot of money." "But I'm a member of the Security Service..." I said. He waved his hand arrogantly. "Retire as early as possible. We will arrange for you..." I spent the whole night with them perfunctorily, but I didn't give away the slightest word.I went to Hanley the next day to report the situation to him. I suggested that I continue to monitor the activities of the gang as a proxy, but Hanley thought it best to be cautious. "Leave them alone, Peter," he said, "it's a dirty game, don't get involved in it." Hanley knew so little of the material we collected on Wilson and the Labor Party in the sixties that I strongly recommended that he read it.I told him that the election was about to begin and that the information might be useful. "It's the same as the 'fluency' report," he said after reading it. "There's smoke everywhere, but no fire." He agreed, however, to go through the sources a little more on the prudence, especially since Angleton was pestering us with Wilson's questions.I told Hanley that we should do something to make ourselves look good for political reasons. In early 1974, everything reached its political zenith.A small number of people from the Labor Party government were elected, and MI5 is holding important information. If it is leaked, the consequences will be disastrous.The news that the Prime Minister himself was under investigation would at least lead to the Prime Minister's resignation, something that some MI5 officials did not forget. One afternoon, two colleagues and three or four other officials came to my office.I closed the file I was reading and asked them what was the matter. "We know you're re-investigating the Wilson case," said the older one. "You know I can't talk about it," I told him. I think it's kind of rude to answer that, but I don't like being mobbed in my office. "Wilson is a threat," said one young official. "It's time to tell the truth." I have heard such extreme words more than once.There had been some general sentiment within MI5 in 1968, when an effort had been made to block Wilson.Our longtime outsider, Daily Mirror magnate Cecil King, has made it clear that he will immediately publish anything MI5 intends to reveal to him.This is the so-called Cecil King "coup".Cecil was convinced that as soon as such news was published, the Labor Party would collapse, and the Labor Party would be replaced by a coalition government headed by Lord Mountbatten. I told Ver Jones in 1968 that MI5 was hot, but he was very unflappable. "You can tell those who want to leak the secret that if something goes wrong, I can't help it." He knew the words were going to work. In 1974, however, the situation worsened.The plan was simple: in the run-up to a general election which had to be held within a few months due to the extreme instability within the House, some selective information about the Labor leader, in particular Wilson's intelligence.Through the press and trade union officials it was possible to disseminate information from MI5 files and the perception that Wilson was a threat to security. The voice and public opinion of the Security Bureau have been created, and more than 30 officials agree with this plan.A number of photocopies of the archives have been prepared and distributed to overseas newspapers, and an effort is being made to bring the matter up in the House for the sake of publicity.It was a photocopied letter from Zinoviev that brought down Ramsay Macdonald's first Labor government in 1924. "We're going to take him down, and this time we have to do it," said one of the officials. "Why did you ask me to participate?" I asked. "Well, you don't like Wilson any more than we do . . . and you've seen the latest material—the Gaitsker affair and all." "But these materials are in the director's safe." "Yes, but you can copy them." "I've got to think about it," I said. "I've got to think about it before I take this step. You'll have to give me a few days." At first I was tempted.This is what the devil makes idlers do, and now that I'm wasting my time waiting for retirement, such crazy plans must have a strong allure to me.I felt an impulse, the country seemed to be facing a catastrophe, why not take advantage of it and push it?In any case, my burden of secrecy is too heavy, and a little lightening of the burden would make me feel lighter. It was Victor who persuaded me to give up this idea. "I don't like Wilson any more than you do, but if you take part in this, you're going to be chopped to pieces," he told me. He is right.I have just over a year left to retire, why ruin everything for a moment of madness? A few days later, I told the person in charge of the group that I didn't want to do the file. "I'd love to help you," I said, "but I can't take the risk. I'm only getting half of my pension now. I can't even take it." Some of those involved in the campaign were vehement.They kept saying it was the last chance to bring Wilson down. "Once you retire," they said, "we'll never get the files again!" But I am determined.Even if they laugh at my cowardice, I will never waver. Throughout the second half of 1974 and the beginning of 1975 I stayed abroad as much as possible, following the "Venona" communications around the world.The full story about Wilson didn't come out, but it was clear to me that the gang was still doing their best to push through with their plan, no wonder Wilson later said he was a victim of a conspiracy! 一九七五年夏，我同莫里斯·奥德菲尔德在洛基茨一同吃饭。我们俩定期在一起吃饭，他了然一身，喜欢在每天晚上闲扯一阵。在两次失败以后，他终于爬上了军情六处的最高层。我真为他高兴。莫里斯是个好人，很少管闲事。那天晚上，我看得出他有心事。 他谈起威尔逊。他问我，那儿的人们情绪怎样？他不断听到各种谣言。 我什么也没透露。 “我们中间有许多人不喜欢他，他们认为他在破坏这个国家。” 显然莫里斯一直在想这件事，他一次又一次地谈起这个话题。 “你没说实话。”他最后说。 “我不这样认为，莫里斯……” “我昨天受到首相的接见，”他说，突然改变了语调，“他谈起有人在搞阴谋。很明显他已经听说你那一伙人在四处活动，煽风点火，反对他、马西姬·福肯德和唐宁街十号的共产主义者。” 他的声音渐渐低下来，仿佛对谈论这件事一点兴趣都没有。 “这很严重，彼得，”他又说，“我要知道一切。你知道水门事件在华盛顿搞成了什么样子。我们万一不小心也会发生同样的事件。” 我又要了杯白兰地，决定告诉他我所知道的一切。我把去年夏天反威尔逊计划告诉他以后，他问我汉利是否知道。 “他不知道。我看最好还是忘掉这事吧。”我说。 “我要你明天回局里去把这一切统统告诉汉利。” 他迈着踉跄的步伐向床边走去。 “别怕，”他回过头对我说。 “我不会怕的，”我说，“再有几个月我就退休了！” 第二天上午我见到了汉利。他听了我的汇报后，脸色像纸一样白。也许他曾经怀疑过局里反威尔逊的情绪会高涨，但现在他才听说手下有一半人卷进了这场推翻首相的阴谋。这时我暗自庆幸自己没有当官。 可笑的是，他的第一个反应是生莫里斯的气。 “该死的莫里斯，”他怒气冲冲地叫道，“居然管起我们的事来了。” 当他镇定下来以后，便问我这些阴谋分子的姓名。 我告诉了他这些人的名字，木已成舟，我无法再拒绝了。当我报名字的时候，我突然想起当时布伦特的心情。戴上面具去出卖别人从来就不是一件轻松的事。 “你能照顾照顾他们吗？”我问汉利。 “一定得调查，当然。”他说。 威尔逊的事没结束我就离开了军情五处。以后汉利再也没和我提及这事。我听说一名安全委员会的成员受命对内阁进行了私下调查。以后又听说汉利进行了一些改革，主要在招募人员方面，试图向军情五处输进新鲜血液。这大概可以解释在我退休定居澳大利亚不久收到的那封迈克尔·汉利的秘密来信。 “当你知道公司通过最近的检验，并且在正常工作的消息以后，一定会感到欣慰。”汉利在信中写道。 这以后不久，威尔逊就辞职了。正如我们在办公室里常说的那样：“政治家们来去无常，而安全局却永远向前。” 有关哈罗德·威尔逊的街谈巷议很快平息了，正如一九七四年霍利斯事件突然起死回生一般。霍利斯事件自从一九六九年审理过以后就一直无人问津。我原先以为汉利接管后可能会重新审理，但我很快发现他的意图是少管闲事。他极力想忘记过去的伤疤，而且急于想把我同K处的案子以及现行的调查分开。 每当我提及这事，他总是说：“我很坦率。” 惧怕丑闻，成了六十年代负责处理动乱官员的最大顾虑。但现在不管问题是大是小，人们愈来愈清楚，这个问题已经了结了。我与维克托讨论是否有可能重新审理这个案件。 “现在还为时过早，”他总是这样对我说，“还得等一等。我将设法把这件事告诉特德，但不是现在。我们要让汉利从危险中拔出来，整个事情太重大了。我们必须再等一等。” 一九七五年大家以为布伦特患了癌症，不会久于人世。这时对丑闻的恐慌达到了高峰。维克托向我打听，我是否以为布伦特会立下遗嘱在他辞世以后发表，揭开整个事件的真相。我也曾经常常向布伦特问起这事，他一直否认有这种打算。然而，他的语气充满了报复，我不敢贸然相信。 维克托比任何局外人都清楚布伦特捣什么乱。他和希思对普罗富莫丑闻给上届保守党政府造成的损失至今仍记忆犹新，而且非常害怕布伦特用同样的方法把他们搞垮。这不仅仅只是免予起诉的问题，另外还有一个非常可怕的可能性，他也许会说出同伙的姓名，不管他们是死还是活，也许他会留一份三十年代的艳遇记录。一旦这些有关性方面的失误在舰队街张扬出去，那就不止一人要身败名裂了，至少不止首相安东尼·艾登一人。 最后维克托要我立即帮他准备材料，对布伦特揭露事件的后果进行一番全面的估计。我在D处三科时曾为内政部起草过各种有关“五人集团”的文件，但他们很不满意。军情五处的法律处坚持要删掉普罗克特和沃森等人的名字，理由是我们没有充分的证据。 “这没道理，”我同他们争道，“给内政部提供情报是我们的职责。如果由于没有证据就把我们坚信的事实删掉，那就是失职。” 维克托完全同意我，并强调说我的汇报要力求全面。我详细描述了“五人集团”的历史，并用了大量笔墨说明所有的联系是怎样建立起来的。在我的汇报里，提到了四十个人。几个星期后，我去见罗伯特·阿姆斯特朗，向他报告十九号间谍的事，阿姆斯特朗对我的汇报表示感谢。 “这件事做得真棒，”他笑道，“这才是真正的情报。与我们平时收到的那些由文职人员起草的安全局的文件大不一样。” 这时人们正在传说阿瑟和斯蒂芬·德·莫布雷在四处游说，争取对霍利斯问题进行重新调查。这时，阿瑟已经退休，而斯蒂芬·德·莫布雷的工作生涯也已接近尾声。由于在六十年代末支持过戈利金及其理论，斯蒂芬在军情六处很不得人心。他的导师是克里斯托弗·菲尔波茨，斯蒂芬曾在菲尔波茨的指导下在华盛顿干过几年。后来菲尔波茨又把他带回国，从事反情报工作。自从菲尔波茨一九七〇年退休以后，德·莫布雷就失去了靠山。怀特下决心要把他赶走，后来莫里斯·奥德菲尔德建议把莫布雷调到马耳他，作为折衷。 一九七二年德·莫布雷从马耳他回来，发现霍利斯一案已经审理完毕。他煽风点火预备大干一场。奥德菲尔德和汉利非常害怕德·莫布雷把内部有苏联间谍的情报透露给某个议员，阿瑟却加紧同议院联系。阿瑟退休以后，一直在议院里担任秘书，以此来弥补退休金的不足。大家担心他会把过去二十年的各种灾难性事件告诉他的新朋友。 霍利斯一案并不是德·莫布雷所唯一关注的事，他还相信整个情报部门负责人的任免制度的基础是裙带关系，这必定会给以后的工作带来危机和灾难。他认为，只要一个间谍打进了一个组织，而且篡夺了领导大权，那他就可以随意任命他的人。 一次在我们吃晚饭的时候，奥德菲尔德提起德·莫布雷的事。 “你不能制止莫布雷吗？”他问我，而已明确表示，汉利也同意对莫布雷严加看管。奥德菲尔德想把霍利斯事件隐瞒起来，他这样做有他自己的目的。他一心想当军情六处的局长，但狄克·怀特的调动使他的妄想成了泡影。然而，他仍然不甘心，一心想当C处处长。 我告诉他，我不知道我最终会对莫布雷和阿瑟产生什么影响。 “是这样。他们对你掌握的情况一无所知；也不了解这些事件有多么微妙。只要传出一点丑闻的风声，我们就吃不消。” 可怜的莫里斯如此爽快，你一眼就可以看出他的勃勃野心。时间还早，他又扯起了今后的前途。 “当然，伦尼走了以后，即使轮到我坐庄我也不想久留……”他说。 他的语调愈来愈低沉。我知道他是想让我替他散布这些不满情绪。 过了几个星期，我同史蒂芬一起吃午饭。我试图说服他现在不是催促的时候。 “现在有许多事正在办，”我说，“我知道表面上看，似乎我们不在行动。但办案有各种方法，我们需要时间。” 但他不听我的劝告，并毫不隐瞒地认为我是汉利的人。 我其实也希望汉利主管的“维诺纳”搜查能为霍利斯一案提供主要的线索。也许在某个沾满灰尘的碗橱里可以发现更多的信号，使我们能有更多的吻合信号来破译那些中断线索的匿名者。 最近在现存的通讯上有了一个微小的突破，它给我们的工作带来了希望。杰弗里·萨德伯里正在研究一部分从未被破译的“搭扣”资料。根据先进的计算机分析，这种特殊通讯信号不是真正的“维诺纳”。它不是用一次性密码本进行编码的。根据词汇组的规则分布，萨德伯里猜想，这种信号可能是用某种电话号码本编码的。 我们去英国图书馆，把有关资料查了一遍，最后找出一本与上述情况相符的三十年代贸易统计数据簿，一夜之间就破译了大量的“搭扣”通讯。格鲁乌的通讯信号同我们破译的许多信号很相似，其中有一系列很有价值的电文。驻伦敦的格鲁乌成员西蒙·克雷默发给莫斯科中心的电文描述了他同化名为鲁恩·库兹钦斯基的格鲁乌间谍指挥人员的几次会晤情况。鲁思·库兹钦斯基的真名是索妮妮。 整个六十年代，我们认为索妮妮的通讯没有价值，因而取消了对它的监听。军情五处相信索妮妮到英国是为了躲避纳粹和战争，而且直到一九四四年克劳斯·富克斯自愿加入苏联情报部以后才积极为苏联情报部工作。通讯总部也完全否认索妮妮在一九四一到一九四三年之间在牛津附近的家里发过这些无线电电文。 但克雷默的电文彻底推翻了这一结论，这些电文告诉我们，苏联谍报机关的确曾经派遣索妮妮来到牛津地区。早在一九四一年，索妮妮就成了一批间谍的上司了。克雷默的电文还谈到了索妮妮付给她手下间谍们报酬的详细情况，以及她本人几次用无线电进行广播的时间和每次广播的持续时间等情报。我想，如果我们在一九六九年就掌握了这些情报，那将对霍利斯的审讯产生影响。我感到一阵痛心。 掌握了这些情报后，我敢肯定，埃里确实存在，而他的上司就是住在牛津附近的索妮妮，有关他的身份的秘密就在索妮妮的电文里。前几年不知什么原因，索妮妮的信号突然消失了，唯一的希望就是到世界各地进行搜索，看看别的地方是否也收到过她的信号。 在一九七二年到一九七六年这四年多的时间里，为了寻找新的“维诺纳”和索妮妮通讯，我跑了三十七万公里的路程。到了法国，法国机密情报局说没有这方面的情报，尽管马塞尔说他们肯定收到过索妮妮信号；但也许不久前被一个“蓝宝石”间谍把记录销毁了。在德国我也一无所获，在意大利也一样。西班牙拒绝在我们交出直布罗陀前考虑我们的要求。我在加拿大呆了好几个月，我对各个邮局同世界各地的电传进行了仔细的检查，然而也是一无所获。在华盛顿，我也进行了广泛的搜索，同样也没有什么结果。我找的东西以前曾经存在过，而且还归过档，可最终还是从我的手指缝里漏掉了。一想起这些，我的心都快要碎了。 一九七四年汉利和我开始为下一次的卡扎布会议作准备。这次会议定于五月在伦敦召开。我告诉他美国人和加拿大人很可能就霍利斯一案向他施加压力。自从霍利斯受到审讯以后，我们完满地制止了各种评论，只有安格尔顿一个人固执地保存着在磁带上的一些录音。 “我应当说什么呢？”汉利问我。 我告诉他要有理有节。 “告诉他们一些事实。我们有许多陈旧的指控，而且有许多值得怀疑的人，霍利斯就是其中的一个，而且可能是最值得怀疑的一个。我们最后对他进行了审讯，但我们还不能对他作出最后的结论。” 一九七四年的卡扎布会议同六十年代的那次欢欣鼓舞的聚会大不一样，上次参加会议的许多熟人都没来，斯普赖不在了，加拿大皇家骑警队的吉姆·贝内特也不在了。贝内特是皇家骑警队围剿内奸运动的一名嫌疑分子，这次运动使骑警队陷于瘫痪，而且甚至把我也牵扯了进去（我坚信，贝内特虽然在审讯中行为有些异常，但决不是间谍）。此外赫尔姆斯也不在了。安格尔顿的日子也屈指可数了。在华盛顿，水门事件的丑闻已经家喻户晓，中央情报局的丑事正在一件件地暴露出来。 汉利简短地谈了谈霍利斯的案子。对此，与会代表的反应很平静。他们中间的大多数人曾经历过同样的事，深知这种事会带来怎样的痛苦和损失。汉利在讲话结束时，很有礼貌地请各位代表根据他的报告估计一下霍利斯一案将造成的损失。这是白厅的惯用伎俩，把问题摊开，然后让别人来作结论！ 在卡扎布会议以后，我只见过安格尔顿一次。那是一九七四年年底，在华盛顿。安格尔顿知道自己将被迫离开中央情报局，中央情报局的新局长威廉·科尔比决心把他赶出去。几年来在管理东南亚反情报工作的问题上，安格尔顿一直在同科尔比吵闹不休。现在科尔比当了局长，除掉安格尔顿的机会就来了，而且《纽约时报》又登载了一条传说，指责安格尔顿是国内邮件检查计划的幕后策划者。几天之内安格尔顿和他的所有高级职员一起辞了职。 那次我见到安格尔顿时，他正在发脾气。 在他知道了他所有的高级职员都被革职的消息后，骂道：“两百年的反情报工作全泡汤了。”很显然，《纽约时报》所编造的故事不过是这场战争的第一枪。不到半年，中央情报局就陷进了参议院汇报会和检举揭发的泥潭里去了。一九七四年人们开始了清算，加拿大和澳大利亚对他们情报部门过去的调查和指控进行了调查。我们简直成了现代贱民——被人敌视、怀疑和追击。 奥德菲尔德和汉利非常害怕国外事态的发展，特别害怕国外揭发出的事件同自己的情报部门有关。他们意识到新上台的工党政府正准备鼓励这种国外事态的发展。这时，史蒂芬·德·莫布雷也作出了最后决定，必须立即行动起来。一九七四年中期，他去找他的朋友菲利普·德·朱吕艾塔。朱吕艾塔在亚历克·道格拉斯·霍姆任首相时，曾是他的私人秘书。莫布雷简要地向他谈了自己担心军情五处已被渗透的想法，另外他还说，他真为军情五处的任免制度担忧。朱吕艾塔建议他去找新内阁大臣约翰·亨特爵士。德·莫布雷告诉莫里斯，他已经无法忍受了，然后就去唐宁街十号找亨特爵士了。 “该死的德·莫布雷在干什么？”一天上午汉利吼道。 这是我第一次听到这个消息。 “该死的莫里斯又在干涉我们了。他怎么能不问我一声就让手下的人大摇大摆地到唐宁街去出我们的丑呢……太过分了！” 我告诉汉利这是不可避免的，最终德·莫布雷是下了决心要越过军情五处和军情六处的头头而另寻一条门路，值得庆幸的是，他找的是唐宁街十号而不是议院。 结果是按照传统的规定进行一次复查。开始时总以为有什么新发现，但复查结束以后你就会发现，所得到的结果正是组织者所设计的。前内阁大臣特伦德勋爵奉命主持这次调查。他将拥有所有文件，并有足够的时间在两种信仰中作出判断。 一九七四年底，特伦德第一次出现在莱肯菲尔德大楼。他有一间办公室，一只保险柜和一名秘书，独自在六楼上办公。过了几个星期，他打电话叫我到他办公室去一趟。 看上去他像一位典型的牛津大学研究员，仪表堂堂，他那宽宽的前额和银灰色的头发，常常给人一种美感。 “我不想和你谈这个案子，只想了解一下它是怎么进行的。然后我要着手进行工作，研究一番并去拜访一些人。最后再找你。” “流畅”工作小组的十卷档案整齐地放在他面前的书桌上。那天上午我们把这些档案从头至尾看了一遍。 “这起案件是怎样开始的？”他很想知道。 这个问题是我在每天晚上研究这些档案时常常问自己的。这起案件究竟是怎样开始的？是从一九四五年布伦特离开时开始的吗？还是在沃尔科夫和古曾科进行联络时开始的呢？也许是在那个结核病患者从中国驶回的船上下来并试图在英国秘密情报部找工作时就开始了？或许晚一些，或许更晚一些，在蒂斯勒告诉我们内部有间谍的时候？或许是在戈利金谈起处处都有成百上千的间谍的时候？也许是在米切尔案件取得第一个决定性胜利的时候？那是我们第一次在内部追查间谍，然而却失败了。你又怎样能确定恐惧变为复杂现实的那一时刻呢？然而却确有其事，它就在那里，而且自始至终一直在那里。 “流畅”档案看起来古怪离奇。这些档案无形中变得鼓鼓的。档案记录了每个秘密情报部门的细节，使我们对每份文件的分发情况有案可查。每份指控都进行了仔细的分类，而且每个嫌疑分子都编有一个代号。在最后一份档案的末尾，是我亲笔签署的那份远近闻名的备忘录，上面列有需要被进行紧急调查的人名。 特伦德不止一次地向我问起拖延处理这些案件的原因。 “很困难，”我解释说，“当你听说那个和你一同工作了多年的上级或者下级是间谍，你也会感到为难。这就是狄克·怀特和弗·琼斯难于同意的……也是我们为什么从一开始就使用代号的原因，即客观地对待一切，不掺杂任何情感。” “是这样……”特伦德说。 “你一定知道所有的'流畅'决议都是大家一致通过的，并非我个人的意思。我们共有六个人，但我们所有人的想法都非常一致。” “嗯，是这样。”他低声说道。他面对着档案中的那些无关紧要的文件沉默了一阵。 特伦德好像特别对中级间谍有兴趣。他要我告诉他，我们是怎样对指控进行分类的，并向他解释我们对三十四名嫌疑犯进行编号的系统。 我用了几个小时才把“维诺纳”的前前后后讲清楚。他被有关这种用极不完善的拼板玩具般的机器来完成的、希望很大但却收获很少的项目所深深吸引住了。 我告诉他，我们是怎样调查那些匿名者身份的。诚然，还有许多疑点，但几乎可以肯定斯坦利就是菲尔比，希克斯就是伯吉斯，约翰逊就是布伦特。斯坦利就是菲尔比，因为电文里提到墨西哥事件，这是菲尔比所属部门的职权范围；希克斯就是伯吉斯，因为莫斯科中心的一份电文里曾指示克罗托夫把希克斯的报告中的种种推测删掉，只留下部分事实。 “正是我们目标对准的那个家伙。”我大笑起来，而且感到惊诧，对自己仅在纸上见过的人这么熟悉。 “那么约翰逊呢？”特伦德问。 “这还是一个疑点……参考材料就在这里。”——我递给他一页饰有电文色带的“维诺纳”文稿纸——“从中你可以发现约翰逊在国外旅行的时间与布伦特的行迹正好吻合。布伦特是在收到这个电文的那个周末去意大利的。但奇怪的是克罗托夫好像根本不知道约翰逊的出国计划，我问过布伦特，他肯定至少在出国前六个星期就向克罗托夫报告了外出旅游的计划。” “会不会是别的人呢？” “在那个周末突然出国旅行的官员只有一个人，就是'德拉特'……对不起，我指的是霍利斯，他去加拿大与古曾科联络。” “还有……？” “我怀疑，”我平静地说，“我总怀疑，我想约翰逊就是布伦特，他想用外出六个星期这件事来迷惑我们的视线。约翰逊同希克斯和斯坦利关系太密切了，我们不能不断定约翰逊就是布伦特，而不可能是别人。其它三个化名还没查明，其中一个可能就是霍利斯的化名。” 特伦德给我留下了深刻的印象。他思路敏捷，而且非常严谨，从不忽略任何细节。当我们的第一次会面结束的时候，我感到似乎被他的冷静和耐心考验了一番。但使我担心的是他是个文职人员，没有受过情报工作的训练。他是否能根据这些自相矛盾的情报作出正确的判断呢？他没有参考咨询材料，不能对照其它间谍案件如菲尔比、布伦特和布莱克案件的分量，来判断霍利斯案件的分量，只有多年在秘密世界工作所获得的经验才能给人这种直觉。 特伦德在军情五处的声誉很高。绝大多数人都喜欢他而不喜欢以疯狂出名的前任内阁大臣诺曼·布鲁克。诺曼·布鲁克和我在同一个俱乐部。在他退休以后，我不时找他聊聊。他非常注意从不对他的后任作任何评论，但却常常给人们留下这样的印象，即现在的事比他在位时糟糕得多。特伦德从容镇定，在整个六十年代，他代表情报部门同财政部作了不懈的斗争。 后来，特伦德在莱肯菲尔德大楼又呆了一年。我有时在走廊里碰见他。他从不多说话，一九七五年底他又叫我去他办公室，那时我们已经从莱肯菲尔德大楼搬出，到阴森森的高尔街办公了。 他要同我谈谈指控问题。他说只要仔细分析一下，就可以看出这些指控都很陈旧。 “是这样，然而值得注意的是指控中所提到的日期的巧合。它们同在一个时间里，这委实有点琢磨不透。” 特伦德说，戈利金似乎不能提供更多的线索。特伦德对戈利金的结论是“没用了”，我也同意。在调查上层被渗透的问题中，戈利金并没有给我们什么帮助，他最多不过是告诉了我们在情报部门的上层藏有间谍。 特伦德同时把中级间谍的档案也搁置一边了。 他说：“这个案子的确很难弄，但又不能不看，我想现在可以把它们丢开了。” 他把眼镜扶正，拣起另一个卷宗，说：“现在让我们谈谈沃尔科夫一案吧？” 他问我，在重新译好文件以后，在对指控进行进一步的调查时是不是有点过于挑剔了？ “我不明白你为什么这样认为，”我说，“处理这些案件的方法只有两种，一是对指控进行推测，它会带来什么样的线索？我们应当怎样来查找线索？另一种方法是从科学出发，对所有情报进行仔细、准确地分析，然后根据这些分析，得出科学的结论。” “这是埃里案件，”特伦德说，“我知道你曾找阿克梅多夫核对过情况，但却没有追查下去；通讯中没有提到埃里，对吗？” “我并不指望通讯里会提到埃里，如果埃里真是个非法分子，那么他的通讯联络信号就是不通过使馆的非法通讯信号。只要我们找到索妮妮信号，我们就可以查出埃里，可是我们没找到索妮妮信号。” “你仍坚持认为埃里就是霍利斯？” "yes." “你不怀疑你的判断？” “不。而且，现在我更有把握了。” 特伦德文雅地叹了一口气。 “但没有思想基础……” “有，那是在中国。” “啊，对了，”他低声说，“中国……”余音很长。 特伦德终究是个行家。我根本无法猜透他的心思。我相信他确实非常重视内部间谍一案，但他只是向我提了一下怀疑霍利斯是否确有证据以外，什么也没透露。 我也没能从汉利那里打听出特伦德的结论，以后我再没提过这件事。我估计特伦德的报告是在一九七六年一月我退休前写完的，最后的收尾工作是撒切尔夫人在一九八一年完成的。她在下院报告说，特伦德爵士得出结论，霍利斯不是苏联情报局的间谍。特伦德相信霍利斯是无辜的，而我却相信他有过背叛行为。这正如同样一个人既可以相信上帝又可以相信财神一样，信则有，不信则无。现在我意识到个人的看法终究是微不足道的，只有事实才能揭开永恒的秘密。 临近退休的几个月，我感到阵阵厌倦。我不知道应当留在英国继续战斗呢，还是赶紧脱身远走高飞？我的健康状况虽然差了，再提退休金也是很可笑的，但我的记忆还是很好的。 临近圣诞节的一天下午，我最后一次同维克托开着车到他在剑桥的乡村别墅去。开口谈谈是多么艰难啊！可我心里有很多话要说，有很多话在我心里，我在等待着倾诉。 “你打算以后怎么过？”他问。 “不知道，大概去澳大利亚吧。”我回答说。 汽车在路上奔驰，两旁的沼泽在我们的眼前一闪而过。我已看见在远处的剑桥大学的尖顶了。 过了一会，维克托说：“你想让别人来说服你去？” "Maybe so." 我愁眉苦脸，我又没有赢。英国情报部门开展了像十六世纪欧洲的宗教改革那样的运动，天主教已经让位于清教了。我所经历的战争已经成为历史了。 “彼得，你应该走，到那