Chapter 24 Chapter Twenty Two

If only I could achieve something great in my intelligence career that I can be proud of!How wonderful it would be to solve this mystery!It's better for him to be innocent all his life than to be delayed in coming to conclusions.However, the secret world is not so simple. In the end, the shadow still exists, and it is as thick as before, covering the truth tightly. One morning in 1969, I came to the small studio that had been used as an office by the third section of D Division.As the technicians from Division A II checked the microphones installed in our security building on South Audley Street, the earphones on the desk rang.For them it meant the beginning of another day, another interrogation, and for me it was the final act of a decade of farce.On the desk was a brief as thick as a telephone book, with the strange word "Dratt" printed on the back of the cover.This is Hollis's code name, which was sent to me by the code team at Branch B a few years ago, when I was doing freelance investigations in Section 3 of Branch D.Now I can't help laughing, "Dratt" seems ridiculous, I never understood the pain it caused.

Because of her serious and responsible work, Anne Olyouin was promoted from the translation room to the research officer of the third department of D department before she joined the work of the seventh department of K department. The case of the seven divisions of Division K is essentially the same as my free investigation in 1965 and 1966, even more detailed.They checked Hollis's resume, checked and followed up with his peers at Oxford University, and also checked the records in the Shanghai Special Division, but they still found no major evidence. In the end, they could only As ever, it became a matter of faith.

A few days before the trial, we sent Hollis a white letter asking him to come to his office.The final plans have been drawn up.Of course, when the plans were drawn up, another dispute arose.We offered to keep Hollis under constant surveillance during the interrogation, in case he, like Blake, had contact with his Soviet superiors, if he had one, in a moment of panic.Jones disagreed.He didn't say why, but it was clear from his face that he had made up his mind.Even Hanley defended the incident, pointing Fer Jones in the nose and saying he won't be forgiven in the matter.Fer Jones considered the granting of the trial the greatest concession, and the last shame he could impose on the former Director against his will.

John Day was assigned to preside over the interrogation, while Anne Allewin and I monitored the interrogation and provided timely analysis.F. Jones knew that he had too much to do with the matter, but could not make a fair choice; besides, the case had dragged on so long that he should let it be known that he was letting his staff handle the case. A door on South Audley Street opened and Hollis was ushered in. "What do you want from me?" he asked.His familiar voice is still so firm after all these years. John Day began to explain the interrogation procedure to him. "I'm familiar with this...but I'd like a pen and a piece of paper if I could."

I'm trying to picture South Audley Street.I saw Hollis there, sitting upright, and I even thought he was missing his place.Of course the pencil is necessary, but does he still smirk for no reason?Doesn't he feel insulted?I'm guessing.Or would he be scared?I'm a little skeptical about this.I never connected emotionally with him, and I still think of some things he often said to me. "Peter, you're getting too emotional about this." I tried my best to control my excitement. John Day began reporting day-to-day details from Hollis' work history and early life.Hollis knew the procedure, and he wanted to speak before the report.

"If you don't mind, we'll be a little slower," said John Day. Hollis was a little annoyed. "If you don't mind, I'd say it's kind of boring. You'll see that on my resume." But John Day was not intimidated by him. "If you don't mind, I think we'd better follow the procedure." Hollis briefly stated his experience.He said he ran away from home because he understood he was not religious, and claimed that Oxford was not a safe haven, which also reminded him of his religious background. "I wanted to get out of that background and do something outside of it. My only ambition was to play golf, but I realized early on in Oxford that I wasn't going to get anywhere in golf, so I decided to Travel around."

The Far East fascinated him deeply.Originally he had wanted to go with his friend Maurice Richardson, but this plan fell through.Looking back, Hollis said he was still happy.For he and Richardson had little in common to make good traveling companions. He's obsessed with China, and of course he meets eccentric leftists there, and that's normal.Everyone knew that Agnes Smedley was a left winger, and at Oxford, too, he got on well with Maurice Richardson and Claude Coburn, who were pink. He said he was often sick.During this period, he was suffering from tuberculosis, and finally he had to return to Europe.He came back from Moscow.

"I want to see what it's like there. It's a horrible place, dirty, depressing. People don't have smiles on their faces and intellectuals are blowing up about Moscow. I hate it." "Did you meet anyone there?" John Day asked. "Meeting people on buses and trains, but not elsewhere. Seeing Soviet people is not the same as seeing people in other countries, like Chinese." At lunch, Anne Ol'Ewing, John Day, Jones, and I met behind Leconfield House.Hollis remained calm and fluent in his responses. "If it goes on like this, he will cleanse himself of his sins," Anne Allewing said.

After lunch, we continued our interrogation on his return, when suddenly he lost his composure.Although his tone was still so firm, all the details were gone.He couldn't remember where he'd lived, who he'd met, what plans he'd made, yet our brief contained answers to those questions.We know what he did, for example that he lived next door to Archie Lyle, an older MI6 officer; Lyle had been a close friend of Guy Burgess.They must have met many times, but Hollis could not remember him at all.For the next hour or so, Hollis stuttered and didn't recover until he talked about his experience with MI5 before the war.Suddenly, he had precise memory again.

That evening the interrogation team met again at the Oxford and Cambridge Club for a heated debate over the day's interrogation. "What did he do during that blank year?" I asked. F. Jones put his pipe on the table impatiently. "You're all mistaken," he said. He told us that when Hollis came back from China, things were terrible—he was in terrible health and had no job, no future.Jones seemed unaware that these circumstances would make it harder for Hollis to be hired by MI5.Hollis wandered around, and it was an experience in his life that he would most like to forget.So it's not surprising, Jones said, that he can't remember where he lives.

"At first he applied for jobs with MI5 and MI6, which was an odd motivation," I said.I'm serious, but it sounds sarcastic.Fer Jones was angry. "For God's sake, Peter!" he broke off. "There's another trial." Hollis sat there again the next day. "Shall we start?" Hollis asked haughtily.John Day waited quietly without saying a word.It was a good way to make Hollis realize that he wasn't in charge of the interrogation this time. Day began the interrogation in a different way. "I'm also going to ask you about the Claude Coburn file..." This question had been raised the previous morning.Hollis offered to talk about his Oxford friendship with Coburn.We asked him why he didn't mention that fact in Coburn's file; that's what any MI5 officer should do when dealing with a friend's file.Hollis evasively replied that there was no explicit requirement to record personal friendships on file. This is indeed a lie, although it is only a small sentence, but it is a lie after all.A full annex to the case brief proves that the recording of friendships was common in MI5 before the war, and Hollis must have been aware of the rule. Day began questioning Hollis' answers the day before.Why is Hollis lying?He didn't stutter, and he didn't panic.He paused for a moment before realizing his mistake.Yes, he admitted that there was another reason. He knew that Coburn was an outstanding leftist and a spy for the Comintern, and he was very interested in the intelligence service. Moreover, he himself had just been accepted by MI5, and he wanted to work in MI5. So he decided to break the rules, lest his friendship with Coburn should be seen against him as a stain. "I'm sure I'm not alone in violating this rule." "How's your relationship with your other friends," Day pressed, "how's your relationship with Philby? Isn't it good?" "It's not really good, he drinks too much, we just have a good relationship at work, nothing else." "What about the relationship with Brent?" "More so, especially in the war years. I think he's brilliant. I haven't seen him much since he left the Security Service. We meet sometimes at the Tourist. When we meet, we talk, that's all. He likes to chat about things like that." About his friendship with Guzenko, Volkov, and Skripkin, he barely mentions it.Guzenko is untrustworthy, and Hollis doubts that Eli actually exists.As for his trip to Canada, there was no conspiracy in the files Philby had sent him. "I was a recognized expert on the Soviet Union at the time, and it was only natural that Philby would send me the file, especially as it dealt with Commonwealth issues." "What is your relationship with Volkov?" "I see no reason not to trust Philby. He thinks Volkov's spy is himself...why would he go to such lengths to protect someone else?" The only time there was a hole in the old chief's account was when John Day began grilling him about events in the early sixties.Day asked him about the firing of Arthur Martin, and his voice cracked. "He was not disciplined at all. I never knew his actions. In the case of Brent, we agreed to be formally immune from prosecution for matters before 1945, and Martin went to him and offered to challenge him thoroughly. Immunity to prosecute. Attorney General lost his temper and I was very angry. We can't control him. He and Wright are busy building a privileged Gestapo. We must do something to stop them. I never regret it. I think in It was the right thing to do at the time, and it was justifiable. If there’s one thing to say, it’s that we should have done it a long time ago.” John Day asked him why he did not allow Mitchell to stand trial in 1963. "It's all in the file. The Prime Minister will not approve this." "Have you actually consulted the Prime Minister?" "Of course I did," Hollis replied, annoyed. "But the prime minister doesn't remember meeting you," Day retorted. "Absurd! The situation was very urgent. The Profumo incident was at its height, and the whole question of exchanging information and secrets with the Americans had to be considered, and any further scandals would collapse the government. Therefore, consultations were essential. of." It's all boxing practice with imaginary opponents.Day moved to jab without actually touching him.In a way he hadn't come close to street fighting, hadn't caught him, made him confess.Time passed quietly.Everything is old, too old to get to the truth. As the evening approached, there were only a few daily issues left to record. "Have you ever given official intelligence to unofficials?" "No," Hollis replied in the affirmative. "Did someone come to you secretly to deliver information?" "there has never been." The chair creaked as Hollis stood up.He said good-bye and went back to Somerset to play golf in his hometown.He quietly left the interrogation room, and no one knew it, just like when he came in-he is really an unpredictable person, serious and serious on the surface, but full of robbers and prostitutes.He is an extremely insecure dictator. Fer Jones met us again that evening at the Oxford and Cambridge Club.There was an atmosphere of desperation at the dinner table. We knew we hadn't handled the case well, but at the same time we firmly believed that there were too many doubts in this case to let it go.Fer Jones was silent, feeling that the interrogation had proved his loyalty to Hollis. "I hope we can put other work into it," he said. The case was stalled again, but the Hollis interrogation could not bridge the gap between those who believed there were spies on the inside and those who were skeptical, such as Jones.I can't help thinking of those wasted years that we could have used for our investigations, but let them slip away.During these years, the archives gathered dust, the reports went unread, and a nameless fear prevented us from further searching for the truth.There's only one chance to break through: getting a rebel or cracking a cipher will help us solve this case.The desperation of failure haunted me—failure, remorse, wishing to be relieved and forget about it all.In retrospect, I was already retired when I drove back to Essex that night, and it was nothing more than a formality. The trial of Hollis marks the end of the past decade and the beginning of a new one.The seventies were a time of reckoning, when the secret armies of the West were painfully exposed to the public searchlight.Within four years of the thirty years of war between West and East that had been waged in darkness under the protection and cover required by custom and state, all the secrets had been poured out. Ridiculously, MI5 had a great start in the early seventies and we finally get a defector.We believe him, his name is Oleg Lierin, and he was recruited by two of MI5's best officers, a blunt Yorkshireman named Harry Wharton; The other was Tony Brooks, a former secret intelligence officer for MI6, a courageous man who had worked with his wife in France without exposure.Operations are under the responsibility of Chief Christopher Herbert of the KY Division.Herbert was calm and decisive in every situation.Lierin was dating a girl at the time, and when Wharton and Brooks contacted him, saying he wanted to defect, they managed to convince him to stay there.Over the next six months he provided MI5 with a detailed KGB order for the Battle of London.He was just a low-level KGB officer under the control of the Subversion Division, but any gap in the KGB machine was very valuable to us. As soon as the Liering case started, we realized that this was the best way to test whether the upper echelons of MI5 had been infiltrated.If Lierin survives, then we are pure within.At least during the period 1966-1976, we had no evidence of Soviet interference in our operations.We now have five espionage cases, as well as the Liwenlin case and the expulsion of 105 Soviet diplomats, the latter two cases have been going on for at least half a year.Until the end of 1965, every case for more than two decades bore the "print of sticky fingers" of the Soviets.We should note that Hollis retired in 1965.Only ten people knew this secret, and among them only Dennis Greenhill, the Permanent Secretary of Foreign Affairs, was not from MI5. Greenhill was a good friend of MI5, and I had close contacts with him.He had also been at Stortford College in Bishop, where Dick White and I were fellow students.My first dealings with him were during Operation "Fence" against France.But when I took over D-3, we interacted more and more, and I regularly briefed his top diplomats on the security situation. It didn't take long for Lierin to get tired of life as a double agent.Brooks and Wharton try to get Liellin to meet his girlfriend in the security building.The arrangement was laborious, since someone always had to be outside to monitor what was going on inside, looking for signs of tension and leaks.Lierin began to drink heavily, and when he was sent back to Moscow we decided to relieve him of his distress.Li Wenlin himself really wanted to go back to the Soviet Union and continue to work as a spy there. We concluded that it was impossible for Li Wenlin not to be exposed.Lielin was connected to a trade mission but didn't enjoy diplomatic immunity, so we decided to arrest him as he passed through customs at Heathrow to force him to stop. Our plans quickly fell through.During that week in February 1970, I was living in London.One night at three o'clock, I got a call from the watchman. "Come on, we're going to open your safe," he said. I got dressed and hailed a taxi to the office, where Tony Brooks was waiting for me. "We want an antidote," he told me. "Lialin has been poisoned. He was caught by the police a few hours ago for drunk driving, and he's in the jail on Marlborough Street!" I opened the safe and took out a small cylinder that looked like a tool bag.It was given to me by Dr. Ruddell of Bolton Meadows ten years ago when I finished my career as a Science Officer.The canisters contained antidotes to various known KGB poisons.Whenever a spy defected, we kept the cylinder with him twenty-four hours a day, or it was locked in my safe, no one wanted to keep it with him. I quickly described to Brooks the basic symptoms of neurotoxicity and object poisoning, and told him how to use the antidote.He immediately ran to the prison to guard Lierin, while I got the deputy head of the Special Service out of bed and told him to guard Marlborough Avenue and identify the drunk in their cellar.At the same time, MI5's legal department applied to the Minister of the Interior and the Attorney-General to formally exonerate Liering from the charges of alcoholism. MI5 explained that if he was allowed to stand trial in public, he would be in danger of being assassinated. The success of Liering's defection provided MI5 with a rare opportunity.Since Fer Jones became Director, he has tried to change the balance of opposition completely.He knew that the central problem facing MI5 was the sheer numbers of Soviet agents in London.Throughout the 1960s he had fought hard to get the Treasury to agree to grant money to expand MI5's counterintelligence capabilities, but they were reluctant.In this way, he can only give some kind of care to D Branch in the internal realignment of funds, but we are still twice as small as others.When Edward Heath was in power, Ferr Jones presented him with a plan for a major reduction in intelligence personnel, citing some approximate statistics of intelligence personnel. This happened before Liailin's defection. take care of them".The Foreign and Commonwealth Office protested, but we were in no hurry to do so as we needed some spies for possible retaliation by the Soviets.Finally we came to an agreement with the Foreign and Commonwealth Office in March 1971.We didn't take action until the fall of that year, because Lierin had already appeared by then, and we didn't want to alarm the Soviets before he defected and returned home. In Liering's confession, he recognized dozens of KGB officers who were posing as diplomats.However, most of these we already know from action analysis projects.The Action Analysis Project was co-founded by me in the early sixties with Arthur Martin and Hal Doian Dietmars. Estimating the strength of the KGB is a constant matter, and the key is to make a sound judgment on the threat to enemy intelligence operations.When I was in charge of the three departments of Division D, I made a series of analyzes on the Soviet power in 1945 based on the "Venona" data.Although we have only deciphered a very small fraction of the communications, GCHQ estimates the total number of spies operating in the UK at between 150 and 300 (a statistical analysis using a technique developed by senior cryptanalyst Gee Goode a method).By the 1960s, we believed that in 1945 London There were forty-five to fifty Soviet intelligence officers, of whom about twenty-five were command staff.Dividing this figure by the number of spies provided by "Venona" gives us an intermediate figure of eight or nine spies per commander, which coincidentally coincides with the "One Week 'Venona' Correspondence" The intelligence pointed out fits right in, with that week's "Venona" revealing that Krotov was in command of eight spies. The question now is how to extrapolate the status quo from these figures.In the late 1960s, the Operational Analysis Project estimated that there were between 450 and 500 Soviet agents operating in Britain.But what percentage is the command staff?Even if we assume that the number of command personnel remains constant over these two decades, around twenty-five, with the remainder providing cover, countersurveillance, internal security, and analysis, we still face a major problem.This means that there are now nearly 200 spies operating in the UK.If we add the same increase in the number of command staff to the increase in the number of espionage personnel, the figure is even more appalling—there are more than a thousand spies in Britain!It is true that most of these spies were low-level liaisons within the British Communist Party and various trade union organisations.But as long as one percent of people infiltrate into the class like Horton and Vassar, the consequences will be disastrous. Whenever I sent these analyzes to the Ministry of the Interior for their daily assessment of the enemy situation, there was always a dispute. John Allen at K kept disagreeing with my analysis.Allen was a lawyer in the past, and now he is an upstart at K. "You can't say that. There can't be so many spies in London. The Home Office will never believe it." Lierin's defection, however, removed these objections.He confirmed the Operational Analysis Project's estimate that there were about 450 spies in London, and concluded that commanders made up a significant proportion of these spies.He convincingly demonstrated that the Action Analysis Project's judgment was spot on and that my statistics were solid.It's also clear that not all spies added are low-level.F. Jones stated to the Ministry of the Interior that he would expel Soviet diplomats in large numbers. I have never seen him have such great determination in his work.In the end, Ted Heath and Foreign Secretary Alec Douglas Home agreed that Home would take the initiative to go to the Soviet Foreign Minister Alexei Kosiko and propose to him that some Soviet intelligence personnel should be quietly withdrawn, However, the other party arrogantly rejected this suggestion. The expulsion of Soviet diplomats was considered a successful attack by the entire Western intelligence community, and we received congratulatory messages from the heads of every intelligence service.It was Fer Jones' greatest victory.Plus, the fact that our deportation plans weren't leaked to the Russians proves that no matter what the past, the senior echelons of MI5 must have been free of moles.This undoubtedly added luster to Jones' victory. Angleton fully supports our expulsion of Soviet diplomats.He said he had long wanted to launch a similar operation in Washington, but was firmly opposed by Henry Kissinger.Angleton told me that Kissinger was furious when he heard that the British had expelled Soviet diplomats.At the time he was desperately pursuing détente with the Soviet Union.In a huff, he sent a memo to the CIA, telling them that if he knew about the plan in advance, he would use all the power at his disposal to bankrupt it.Fortunately, the CIA told Kissinger that they had no prior knowledge of the plan. But Angleton was suspicious of Lierin.Angleton made a secret visit to London after Liering's defection.His face was even uglier than before, as his energies had been consumed by the dark, predictive role he had been playing.He sees himself as Cassandra who predicts the fall and end of the West.He thought Lielin was a Soviet spy and told us his thoughts at the Marlborough Street meeting. "Ah! Look, Jim," I said, "Lielin isn't that important. He's just a KGB pawn. How could they be interested in his disinformation?" Angleton felt betrayed, and we didn't tell Angleton when we directed Lierin.Angleton told us grimly that the whole purpose of the Anglo-American agreement was to exchange all intelligence.London in 1970 became increasingly intolerable to Angleton, and Maurice Oldfield was openly hostile to all of Angleton's ideas and theories.Angleton was making enemies even within MI5. We later learned the extent to which Angleton deliberately damaged Liering's reputation.After Liering's confession, we routinely sent our intelligence summary containing Lierin's information to the FBI, who passed it on to the CIA and the National Security Council, and finally the Security Council to the President. A few months later, Edgar Hoover was on vacation in Florida and had the opportunity to meet President Nixon at his vacation home on Key Biscayne. "What do you think of the British report, Mr. President, based on the information provided by Liering?" "What report?" Nixon asked.He never received those reports. Hoover went back to check with Kissinger, who hadn't received the reports either.Kissinger went to the CIA to investigate, and it turned out that the reports were locked in Angleton's safe.He was sure that Lierin was a spy who had broken in, so he simply refused to circulate these documents.CIA Director of Programs Tom Karamasins gave Angleton a severe reprimand, and Angleton has never recovered from it. The root of Angleton's downfall lay in the long-ago feud between Golitsin and Nosenko.For Angleton, the notion that Nosenko was a spy was the guarantee that guaranteed Golitsin's dominance among defectors in the early sixties.I remember telling Angleton after the first Khazab meeting in 1967 that I was going home via the United States.My daughter lives in Boston, and I wanted to do both business and personal, and visit her.I just told him I was going to DC and he immediately became very bossy.He told me that unless he was not in Washington, I had no right to be there.At that time, I thought his concern had something to do with the Israelis.A storm was brewing in the Middle East at the time, and Angleton always guarded his relationship with the Israeli intelligence agency Mossad with a kind of jealousy.He knew that I was a close friend of Victor Rothschild, and he often tried to break our friendship.At one point, he even wrote to Jones trying to sever my friendship with Rothschild, saying that our relationship had affected the CIA's connection with the Mossad.But Jones dismissed his letter, which is exactly what the letter deserved. In fact, Angleton's irritation had nothing to do with Israel, and I learned the truth.Just before the Kazab meeting began, an internal CIA investigation conducted by a security officer named Bruce Thorley revealed that Nosenko was almost certainly a genuine defector, although this could not be confirmed. Explain his paradoxical story.Angleton never disclosed the incident to the British, regardless of its impact on Nosenko and Golitsin's intelligence.Apparently Angleton feared that once I visited Washington I might find out about Solley's report through other channels. Incidents like these damaged Angleton's reputation.The events of Nosenko and Lierin have greatly shaken the convictions of Angleton's confidants and longtime advocates.We began to wonder if the secret sources that Angleton said he had actually existed.Maybe it's just a gimmick. Angleton suffered a fatal blow in 1970 when he lost the confidence of Jim Hunt, the efficient second in command of the Chief Executive.Hunter, a difficult man to talk to, took a wavering skepticism about Angleton's stubbornness.Hunter is also a man of action. He works seriously and never dreams.Angleton was as hopeless an administrator as I was.Hunter always checked himself that documents were being circulated, that requirements were being followed, and that routine work was being done.This approach by Hunter is the foundation upon which an effective intelligence agency rests.Without Hunter, Angleton is like a ship that has lost its anchor, slowly drifting towards the abyss. Liering's defection and the expulsion of 105 Soviet diplomats were not the only indications of the new situation in British intelligence in the seventies.After Heath was elected prime minister in 1970, he appointed Victor Rothschild as director of the Central Policy Review Committee - a think tank.No one is better suited for the job than Rothschild.The appointment comes at an opportune time for Victor, who is inspired and radical and can provide Heath with the policy challenge he needs.I could see that he had lost interest in his old job in the late sixties, that he had a contempt for Harold Wilson and that he had no place in social life.He maintained contacts with British intelligence and maintained a friendship with the Shah of Iran.In addition, he privately directed spies in the Middle East for Dick White, and in particular he developed Mr. Rippert, who played a decisive role in MI6 operations in the 1950s.The job was stimulating, but Victor was looking for a real challenge, and the Brain Tank job fit his bill. As the head of the brain trust, Victor was very careful about security, and Heath encouraged him to do the same.However, this caused dissatisfaction in the Home Office, and in particular Philip Allen (now a member of the Security Council with the title Lord Allen of Aberdare) as the then powerful Prime Minister.Victor later became effectively Lord Wigg of the Heath government.Once in the cabinet, Victor formed a faction with Dick White, who had just entered the cabinet and worked in the intelligence cooperation department, after he had retired from MI6.Together, they built the highest post-war reputation for British intelligence. Victor's most notable achievement for MI5 was securing Fer Jones' successor.Fer Jones was never popular in Whitehall.He's too opinionated and too mysterious even in the secret kingdom.Under normal circumstances, the outgoing director general had the power to choose his successor, but in 1972, when Fer Jones was approaching retirement, the Home Office, especially Philip Allen, decided to waste no time in exercising power.Allen was persuaded that someone other than MI5 should be appointed.Allen was suspicious of MI5 and feared that they had become a repository for scandal.He knew only rough details of the destructive mole search, but he knew what happened to Brent and Long, and he knew there were many risks to take.He was appalled by what he saw as an abuse of immunity and by MI5's poor management.He needed a pair of safe hands at the helm of the organization—someone he could trust to tell him all about it. I was relieved that Simkins finally retired a year before Fer Jones.He was replaced by Michael Hanley.For Allen, Hanley had neither the experience nor the independence to fill the top job.Allen thought that Sir James Wardle, the Under Secretary of State for the Home Office, was in charge of police and security and was in charge of all MI5's day-to-day liaison with the Home Office.Wardle was a reliable and dignified man, but for some reason he did not become the Permanent Secretary.He is loyal to Allen, so Allen wants to place him as the head of the Security Bureau. There is considerable concern within MI5 about Wardle's future appointment.He was a nitpicker, insisting on adding a final period and comma to the authorization application form requesting interception of mail.He lacked the intelligence experience to command the respect of senior officials.Most of us think his nomination is all about Whitehall.Such an approach would set the Security Agency back a decade.Also the appointment of Rennie as Chief of C a few years earlier had caused a slump in morale in MI6. Of course there is another consideration.军情五处有许多机密一直瞒着他们的政治上司和文职部门的上司，而当时军情五处最不希望发生的事就是透露有关搜查内奸的爆炸性新闻，以免受到白厅上下的蔑视。 我第一次听到继位问题是在一九七一年下半年，是弗·琼斯告诉我的。他告诉我决定阻止沃德尔接管军情五处，并说他已经去向狄克·怀特请求帮助，但情况不妙。一个由内阁大臣主持的附属于高级职务任命选拔委员会的最高常务大臣委员会已经推荐了沃德尔，琼斯虽已提出汉利的名字，但根本无人投票。他的资历太浅了，太没有经验了，这些达官贵人们对他太不了解了。 “你能请你那位有权势朋友想想办法吗？”他说，他指的是维克托。 那时我每星期同维克托有一次私人会面——有时是在内阁他的办公室里，但经常是在他家里。我在下一次拜访他的时候，提出了继任者问题。这个问题成了激起了维克托的想像的全部因素——一场阴谋和秘密行动在他的头脑中应运而生了。 他告诉我狄克·怀特已经提醒他注意局势。狄克说他支持汉利继承这一职位，狄克原来考虑支持莫里斯·奥德徘尔德担任这项职务。约翰·伦尼爵士虽是军情六处有名无权的处长，但他急于要取消那位有效管理军情六处的人的职务，于是他也提了奥德菲尔德的名。然而奥德菲尔德却声明，他不愿介入这场继任者争夺战，宁愿等伦尼退休以后担任C处的处长（伦尼在他儿子的吸毒罪被揭发以后提前退休，奥德菲尔德便接替了他的职务）。 “安全局会接受汉利？”维克托问。他持反对意见时他常常把我当成安全局的传声筒。 "Of course." I said. “你对他有意见吗？” 我告诉他“哈里特”事件的情况。虽然维克托知道我怀疑内部被渗透，我曾同他讨论过霍利斯和米切尔。但对他来说，他还是刚刚听说汉利曾被怀疑是间谍这件事。 我告诉他我相信汉利是清白的，美国人也相信他是清白的。我告诉他安全局里坚决反对沃德尔，如果他被任命，那无疑是件非常麻烦的事。 “我们需要一切可以得到的帮助，维克托！” “特德会不高兴的，”他告诉我，并摆出高级文职人员的官架子。然后他丢开了这种让人讨厌的官架子，恢复了他那种比较自然的深谋远虑的风度。 “让我们看看能做些什么。”他低声说，并请我尽快安排他同汉利见面。 当时汉利和我已经建立了合乎情理的工作关系。“哈里特”事件是我们进一步亲近的障碍，但他对我很直率，我试图尽量给他各种帮助。我就像个经验丰富的汽车驾驶员，指引他在二十年的反情报工作中前进，向他指出值得骄傲的成就和应当避免的疏忽。我知道如果我把我同弗·琼斯和维克托见过面的事告诉他，他一定要发火。汉利有一点社会主义的味道，具体表现在他的言语之中，他要通过自己的努力来获得成功而不是依靠老家伙的关系网来获得成功。但到最后，抱负占了上风，他同意在晚上同我一起到圣詹姆斯广场维克托的豪华公寓走一趟。我喝了一盅酒，然后机智地告辞回到了我的俱乐部，好让他俩自由交谈。第二天维克托给我打来了电话。 “他是一个很好的人选，”他说，“我们今晚一定得见面，制定我们的计划。” 那天晚上，喝了一阵上等红葡萄酒以后，我们起草了我们的计划。很明显，狄克所推荐的人没有在达官贵人的同行或特德·希思的头脑里留下印象。对于人事问题，狄克总是前思后顾，不能当机立断，当然那并不是他的风格。毫无疑问他工作生涯中的一大错误就是没有能力作出恰当的任命，他经常被情感和传统观念所左右。他在军情五处把霍利斯和卡明提拔得太高，另外他也没能及时在受菲尔比影响的军情六处进行一次必要的大清洗。对汉利也是这样，他知道什么对安全局最有利，但他似乎没有能力抓住机会采取行动。 平心而论，狄克同希思的关系一直不好。他们的作风大相径庭。狄克崇拜哈罗德·麦克米伦，而那位脾气好的老人对他的情报部门的首脑也非常尊敬。同样狄克和哈罗德·威尔逊的关系也很好。他俩的反应都很敏锐，威尔逊欣赏狄克在处理那些令人烦恼的问题，例如罗得西亚问题上所表现出的信心和令人宽慰的态度。而希思则是一个目中无人、虚张声势的人，与狄克以前遇到过的人完全不同。狄克发现他自己愈来愈不能从个人角度对首相产生什么影响了。 维克托和我谈论了所有的候选人，甚至还考虑我们能否把维克托提出来作为候选人。我知道他心里早就对这个职位垂涎三尺了，尽管他来当局长将深得人心，然而他知道他年纪太大了，另外智囊团对他这样一位知识渊博的人来说，才是真正的挑战。 我们讨论设法在科学社团中寻找支持，并决定由维克托去找像威廉·库克爵士这样的人以便赢得他对汉利的支持。维克托告诉我他要想办法秘密会见希思。 “正式向唐宁街十号提出这个问题是不明智的，”他告诉我，“只要罗伯特·阿姆斯特朗看到或者听到这件事，那么这件事就又会传回到那些该死的常务大臣那里去。” 当时罗伯特·阿姆斯特朗是希思的首席私人秘书（现在是内阁大臣和国内文官部部长）。他是这场权力之争的关键人物，因为其它任何人都不可能比他更经常、更亲密地接近希思了。维克托任何特殊要求的暗示都会被他报告给常务大臣委员会。维克托决定最好的计划是趁阿姆斯特朗不在的时候接近希思，最好的时机就是下次智囊团召开周末会议的时候。按计划，这次会议将在几个星期以后在契克斯召开。 “我将请特德到花园散步，那里罗伯特可听不到，然后我就在他耳朵旁边……” 巧得很，那时我也经常看见阿姆斯特朗。我最近正在复查美国的“维诺纳”，其中有一个尚未查明的匿名者使我特别感兴趣。在通讯中这个匿名者叫“19号间谍”。“19号间谍”显然是个非常重要的苏联间谍。他连续不断地向对方传递了战时丘吉尔和罗斯福在一九四三年六月三叉前会谈中的谈话细节。 美国人猜测19号间谍是前捷克斯洛伐克总统埃德瓦特·贝奈斯。他作为苏联的傀儡做了一辈子间谍，所得到的报酬就是在一九四八年被不光彩地赶下了台。贝奈斯参加过三叉朝会谈，而且被公认为是向苏联人传送情报的人。尽管如此，我还是查看了电文本身，我开始怀疑这种解释。19号间谍所报告的谈话很明显是丘吉尔和罗斯福之间的非正式谈话，内容是关于第二战场的计划，特别是关于海军和航行部署。令我吃惊的是，贝奈斯是不可能得到准许去参加这些讨论的，因为捷克斯洛伐克根本没有舰船，捷克是一个内陆国家。 我开始怀疑19号间谍可能是更加接近英国的什么人。第一步就是寻找英国所保存的有关三叉朝会谈的丘吉尔和罗斯福会晤的记录，看看是否能从中找到一份19号间谍所提及的那次会晤的记录，如有可能，找出一份参加会晤的所有人员的名单。 寻找幽灵般的三叉朝会谈讨论记录，是我工作生涯中最稀奇古怪的经历。维克托安排我去见罗伯特·阿姆斯特朗。他非常愿意帮忙。他是一个平步青云的官场人物，已经可以看出他即将升任内阁大臣。由于他需要情报社团支持他获得这一职位，所以他急于同我拉关系。他像一个孩子，立即把所有的精力投入了在唐宁街十号寻找记录的工作中去了。但过了好几个星期，我们却一无所获。 阿姆斯特朗建议我去拜访丘吉尔的前总参谋长伊斯梅勋爵和前任私人秘书约翰·科尔维尔爵士。他俩都记得三叉朝会谈，但却没参加过这些专门讨论。我又去拜访了玛丽·丘吉尔，她也没有记录。最后，阿姆斯特朗又安排我去会见丘吉尔的历史学家马丁·吉尔伯特。丘吉尔任首相时，每天有一位私人秘书保管他的约会记录，吉尔伯特保存了所有这些记录的汇总本。也许在这里能找到一次记录。我把有关的日期告诉了吉尔伯特。他便查阅了整个日记索引。 “天哪，”他说，“那天的日记是空白的！” 搜查19号间谍的工作就这样搁浅了，一直遗留到现在。 正当我搜查19号间谍的时候，人们就弗·琼斯的继承人问题争吵不休。于是我向维克托建议，由我而不是由他去探听罗伯特·阿姆斯特朗的意见。保持维克托的中立位置是很重要的，没有人能责怪我在继位问题上的党派偏见。在我再次拜访唐宁街十号的时候，我曾向他暗示过军情五处内部有一些恐惧，可他微微一笑。 “局势对你不利，”他说，“我想这个问题不值得再提了。” 我告诉他，如果明智的人企图任命沃德尔，那他们就错了。 “我们不是文职官员，”我对他说，“沃德尔没有能力干这个工作……他太教条太死板了。” 阿姆斯特朗除了告诉我一些我已经知道的情况以外，例如常务大臣都是坚决支持沃德尔的，几乎没有向我透露什么。 “他们只想犒赏他一下，他们就不能在其它部为他找一个高职位？”我苦苦地说。 阿姆斯特朗哈哈大笑起来。 “啊，不，彼得，我们没有那么精明！” 过了几个星期，我又见到了维克托。他已经在阳光灿烂的契克斯同希思谈过话了。他告诉希思军情五处内部强烈反对任命一个外面的人做局长。希思表示同情，但他说要反对文官事务委员会的提议必须得有充足的理由。最后，维克托终于设法说服他同这两名候选人进行面谈。 这是一个重大突破。我们完全相信汉利那富有魅力的性格将会给希思留下深刻的印象，而沃德尔的胆怯肯定会引起希思的反感。汉利听到消息后立刻改变了态度。他看出事情正在向有利于他的方向发展。他走到我的办公室，相当自负地对我说，他第二天就去见首相。 “不需要汇报了，非常感谢你。” 我想任命很快就会宣布，但几天以后，我们什么消息也没听到。白厅的每个角落都有人在打听有关情况。每次我去内政部时，总要核实一下最新的情况。除了听到不断重复的老调：“菲利普·艾伦不管怎样也不会任命汉利。”其它什么消息也没有。 周末我和妻子到威尔士多尔格劳为我们最近在康沃尔买的一个农庄购买一些母牛，买农庄的目的是为了安排我们退休以后的生活。自从霍利斯受审和我离开D处三科以后，我就计划着要回到务农这一行去。我为自己规划了前途，一个痛苦较少的前途：我将远远离开军情五处那些充满叽喳声的走廊和堆积如山的文件。拍卖者用难懂的威尔士土话高声叫卖，这时我已忘记了白厅的事。皮鞭下，公牛和母羊在拥挤不堪的小圈子里进进出出，它们的主人又叫又喊又吹口哨忙着照应这些牲口。 突然我从扩音器里听到一个声音。 “从伦敦来的赖特先生请到办公室接电话，……” 我从拥挤不堪的台阶上挤出来，走过成百个挤成一团的威尔士农民，他们个个伸长脖子向圈子里张望。最后我来到了一个小小的办公室，拿起了电话。是维克托打来的。 “你知道这帮家伙干了些什么？”他吼道。 “你在说什么，维克托？” “他们换马了。他们要任命一个叫格雷厄姆·哈里森的家伙。你知道这个人吗？” “他们永远也不会接受的，”我嚷道，“这个人是伯吉斯和麦克莱恩的朋友。” 我突然记起了我所处的环境。但我不必担心。拍卖者的办事员在继续算账，没注意我的谈话。我告诉维克托我一回到伦敦就到他那儿去。 弗兰西斯·格雷厄姆·哈里森也是内政部的一名副大臣。虽然没有人暗示过他是间谍，但他却是盖伊·伯吉斯的密友，而且曾在牛津与珍妮弗·哈特和阿瑟·温等人合住在一起。任命与这些人有关系的人，用弗·琼斯的一个短语来形容，是荒唐可笑的事。我告诉维克托，安全局里的人是永远不会接受他的。 第二个星期初，维克托又来了个电话。 “明天就要宣布了，”他说，“我想你一定会高兴……” "How to say?" “我拉着狄克去见特德。我俩告诉他除非任命汉利，否则将会发生兵变。他很快明白了！” 第二天弗·琼斯通知了一两名高级官员，让他们告诉我们汉利终于被任命了。 “这是一次困难重重的战役，”他神情严肃地告诉我，“但我们终于打赢了。” “听到这个消息我很高兴，先生，”我一本正经地说。 弗·琼斯退休前不久，曾同我讨论过北爱尔兰令人忧虑的形势。很明显这是他的继承人将面临的主要问题。他担心这个问题会威胁到他自一九六五年以来为建立军情五处的反间谍力量所做出的一切努力。他曾在财政部进行活动，请他们多给一些经费，但却遭到了拒绝。他们要弗·琼斯把拨给反间谍工作的经费用在反恐怖主义的工作上。在他们看来，对一百零五名苏联外交官的驱逐就消除了克格勃对我们这一代的威胁。但弗·琼斯却相信自满情绪正在使我们丧失所获得的优势。 弗·琼斯看起来很疲倦，他仿佛渴望着卸下这副担子。他是一个沉默寡言的人，但我看得出他想说话。他说，离开这里很高兴，所有工作中的欢乐几乎就要消失了，他也在为钱而烦恼。他虽然有一种绅士气度，但手头并不阔绰。他在汉普斯台德有幢令人羡慕的房子，他的小女儿仍在读书。他酸楚地说他不得不在市场上出卖自己的才能，替别人做安全顾问，他应当退休回家从事他热爱的观鸟行当。（实际上，他已成了帝国化学工业公司的顾问。） “嗯，你认为我干得怎么样？”他一边问我一边清理他的烟斗。他猛吸着烟斗，然后又敲敲打打，简直有点神经质。 “你真想知道我的看法吗？”我问。 He nodded. “你在解决苏联问题中，获得了成功。但我想你从未和一般官员打过交道。” 他看上去被这句话深深地刺痛了。“你应当告诉我，”他说。 “很抱歉，我并不认为这是我的义务。” 我一直喜爱弗·琼斯，而且认为绝大多数高级官员也喜爱他。他从不说笑话，但却看得出生活和工作中的荒唐之处。我将永远珍惜一九六七年同他一起去澳大利亚参加第一次卡扎布会议的记忆。当我们走到检查护照的关卡时，一队澳大利亚安全情报组织的官员正在对面等待着迎接我们。弗·琼斯递上他的护照。 “这是什么？”护照检查员指着弗·琼斯护照的“职业”一栏，慢吞吞地问。 弗·琼斯填的是“绅士”。 “这就是我的职业，”弗·琼斯极有礼貌地回答说，“我没有其它职业。我是个绅士。你们这里没有绅士？” 那个澳大利亚人挺起腰杆，幸好我设法把澳大利亚安全和情报组织的那伙人的注意力引了过来，他们急忙解释并把我们推出关口。弗·琼斯在以后的几天里一直笑哈哈的，好像他是单枪匹马地赢了一场规模宏大的团体比赛似的。 弗·琼斯把军情五处办成了一个选民们的民主机构。如果你是一名可以信任的高级官员，他总是欢迎你的，而且他的态度也总是那么亲切。但他和年轻一代官员的关系却一直很疏远，而且不了解下层官员中日益增长的不满情绪。 白厅中很少有人对弗·琼斯的退休表示悲伤。在他的接班人问题的争执达到高峰时，他主动提出在处里再呆一个月，让汉利在当副手时有更多的时间显示自己的才能，但是内政部却不接受。琼斯讲了实话，因而引起了政客们和文职人员们的仇恨；琼斯也很会保守秘密，因而成了害怕和怀疑的对象。 一年以后，狄克·怀特也离职了，英国情报部门失去了两员最重要的大将。他们的贡献无论怎么夸张也不过分。他们是完美的一对。狄克是机灵的情报分析家，经常给白厅和唐宁街十号带来缓和的气氛；弗·琼斯则生性倔强，常常警告别人而且报告坏消息。 二十年来我只在一个问题上同他们翻过脸——上层被渗透问题。我想历史将会作出公正的裁决，即他们从来没有准备使用强制的方法把这个问题调查清楚，结果使许多决议半途而废，使这个问题不断恶化，结果导致了许多不该造成的损失。但除了这一点，他们的贡献是巨大的。他们连接新旧世界，共同为英国情报事业在世界上建立了威信。